The arrival of the internet could have marked a new era of free expression for the citizens of China, granting them access to a wealth of previously restricted and often sensitive information.
As a result, it comes as no surprise that Beijing has swiftly sought to reinforce its control over the internet, preventing potentially subversive content from entering its territory.
The previous year witnessed the establishment of the State Internet Information Office, a newly formed government agency aimed at overseeing the content accessible to internet users.
This situation highlights that while technology and social media were being hailed as vital components in the Arab Spring revolts, Beijing, fully aware of the potential for rebellion, was taking greater measures to ensure these tools remained under tight control.
In 2010, Google decided to halt its services in China and relocated its operations from Beijing to Hong Kong, aiming to avoid the obligation of self-censoring search results.
Despite government filtering still blocking many results, this move ended four years of Google modifying its own data for China’s online users—the largest online population in the world at 400 million.
Earlier this month, censors prohibited Chinese internet users from searching for the term ‘Ferrari’ following reports of a Communist Party official’s son being killed in a supercar crash.
This adds to a growing list of search phrases that the government has deemed necessary to black out, which includes names of dissidents and reports of alleged human rights violations.
High on the list of forbidden terms is Falun Gong, a dissident religious group labeled a cult by the government, alongside restricted references to Tibet and the Dalai Lama.
And even though it occurred over 20 years ago, search inquiries regarding the violent suppression of pro-democracy demonstrators in Tiananmen Square yield no results—illustrating the Party’s commitment to erasing historical events.
Rumors circulated about the possible collapse of the leadership faction in Shanghai, referring to senior officials from the coastal financial center, which has historically been the base for reformists and modernizers within the Party.
Some claims suggested that an attempted ‘military coup’ had taken place, along with reports of gunfire and the presence of plainclothes and uniformed security personnel on Changan Street, close to Tiananmen Square—the site of the 1989 massacre of pro-democracy protesters.
All these reports have since been wiped from existence by China’s vast network of internet censors.
The speculation brought on by these reports has created a tense atmosphere in the capital.
These disturbing rumors gained traction early on Wednesday, following the dismissal of Bo Xilai, an ambitious official known for his campaign against corruption, who is said to have connections with nationalistic generals in the People’s Liberation Army.
Mr. Bo, who served as the Party Secretary of the sprawling city of Chongqing in western China, was anticipated to join the powerful nine-member Politburo Standing Committee later this year.
However, he was ousted after his close aide and police chief, Wang Lijun, sought refuge at a U.S. consulate last month.
Mr. Wang, reportedly fearing for his safety, had been ousted for initiating an investigation into the business dealings of Mr. Bo’s family.
The removal of Mr. Bo, a visually charismatic yet controversial figure who had been promoting a revival of ‘Mao-stalgia’—the return to the socialist values and culture of Chairman Mao Zedong—has created a rare instance of political drama in the authoritarian regime as it gears up for a momentous leadership transition later this year.
Numerous analysts observing China’s opaque political landscape are in agreement that Mr. Bo’s ousting has created divisions within the Party, primarily between outgoing Prime Minister Wen Jiabao and officials aligned with Minister of Public Security, Zhou Yongkang.
Mr. Bo, the privileged son of a prominent communist revolutionary, faced scrutiny for his extravagant lifestyle—his son is reported to have attended Harrow and Oxford—and a heavy-handed approach in his crackdown on mafia groups associated with business personnel and government officers, leading many to accuse him of using his anti-corruption campaign to silence political rivals.
Nevertheless, his calls for a resurgence of Maoist ideology won him favor among many Chinese citizens, prompting Premier Wen Jiabao to caution last week that the country could not endure another Cultural Revolution, which caused immeasurable suffering and loss of life 45 years ago, plunging China into turmoil.
by Robbo Green
